How does violence against violence solve a problem?
In my judgment, violence should never be one's baseline method for effecting political change. One often cannot control the consequences of violence spiralling out of control and while sometimes justified as to cause in extreme cases, violent actions can also result - sometimes - in worse situations than the conditions that gave rise to them in the first place. It will serve to create new hurts, new wounds, new bereavements, new injustices, lingering resentments, grievances, bitternesses and lasting traumas for a society.
However, in very extreme circumstances when all other options have been exhausted and the 'oppressor' proves impervious to dialogue and/or resists all efforts to ameliorate the situation through peaceful channels that could have led to a legal accommodation with the opposition or a negotiated settlement (i.e. protest movements, boycotts, strikes, legislative reform) - then
yes, it can sometimes be justifiable to prevent greater harm from ensuing by resorting to limited and proportionate violence in a revolutionary struggle or waging a defensive war in response to overwhelming aggression.
St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274):
"If any society of people have a right of choosing a king, then the king so established can be deposed by them without injustice, or his power can be curbed, when by tyranny he abuses his regal power" (De Rege et Regno, Bk. I, c. 6).
Thomas Aquinas says: "to [a tyrant] no obedience is owed".(Thomas Aquinas. Commentum in Quatuor Libros Sententiarum. Liber Secundus. Dist. XLIV, Q. II, A. 2. (Translated by J.G. Dawson))
St. Robert Bellarmine (1542 – 1621), a great Doctor and Cardinal of the Church, tells us in chapters 3-6 of his
De Laicis:
De Laicis — Saint Robert Bellarmine’s Treatise on Civil Government
"...Individual forms of government in specific instances derive from the law of nations, not from the natural law, for, as is evident, it depends on the consent of the people to decide whether kings, or consuls, or other magistrates are to be established in authority over them; and, if there be legitimate cause, the people can change a kingdom into an aristocracy, or an aristocracy into a democracy, and vice versa...."
Pope St. Paul VI in 1967:
Populorum Progressio (March 26, 1967) | Paul VI
30. The injustice of certain situations cries out for God's attention. Lacking the bare necessities of life, whole nations are under the thumb of others; they cannot act on their own initiative; they cannot exercise personal responsibility; they cannot work toward a higher degree of cultural refinement or a greater participation in social and public life. They are sorely tempted to redress these insults to their human nature by violent means.
31. Everyone knows, however, that revolutionary uprisings—except where there is manifest, longstanding tyranny which would do great damage to fundamental personal rights and dangerous harm to the common good of the country—engender new injustices, introduce new inequities and bring new disasters. The evil situation that exists, and it surely is evil, may not be dealt with in such a way that an even worse situation results.
Where there is "
manifest tyranny which would do great damage to fundamental personal rights", as when a national leader declares war on his own people and denies them their constitutional freedoms (such as freedom of assembly and expression) in violation of the rule of law, insurrection can be 'just'.
But it is not an option that anyone should avail themselves of except with great sobriety and careful reflection, mindful of the "
new injustices, disasters" that may well ensue.
An example would be the Nicaraguan Revolution of 1979, when the Sandinista rebels announced an offensive against the Samoza dictatorship and the Catholic Bishops' conference of Nicaragua issued a document endorsing the Revolution as a "
just insurrection". From the period, a New York Times interview in 1979 with one of the leading revolutionary-backing priests:
Nicaragua's Revolution
June 30, 1979
Following is an interview with Father Ernesto Cardinal, the Trappist poet and philosopher:
In Nicaragua today, there is no recourse other than revolutionary violence. What is going on is the exact same thing that went on in Hitler's Germany. Every day, in many places in the country young people are being assassinated, for the crime of being young. Somoza's National Guard imagines — and not without reason that to be young is to be a revolutionary and a Sandinista. And what happens is that a boy leaves in the morning for work, or goes out at night to see his sweetheart, or goes to the corner for a drink, and he never returns home. He is captured by some military patrol. Other times these boys are pulled out of their homes and then their bodies show up in the morgue or in vacant lots by the side of the highway or in garbage bins. Their arms are broken; their eyes torn out; their tongue is cut and they are.
The bishops who believe in the traditional doctrine of the Church, have said that the Sandinistas’ armed struggle is legitimate.- The Archbishop of Managua cites St. Thomas Aquinas, who recognized in some cases the need to use violence. The Bishop of the City of Leon has said that the Sandinistas are not looking for bloodshed, but that it happens in spite of them. All the Nicaraguans bishops have defended the armed struggle.
The right to rebel has always been a part of the Church's traditional doctrine. And I would say that rebellion is not only a right but an obligation when a country is confronted with an overt entrenched dictatorship.
At the time, there was a lot of naive optimism:
The Catholic Church in the Nicaraguan Revolution
The arrival to power of a revolutionary regime on 19 July 1979 presented the Church with a radically different situation. It seemed that finally, after years of denouncing government abuses and injustices, the Church could finally ‘announce the Kingdom of God’. Amidst the heady euphoria in the wake of the triumph, even the most sceptical clergy had a kind word for the new Junta de Gobierno de Reconstrucción Nacional (JGRN). Progressive clergy were especially elated by what they saw as a historic opportunity to join together both believers and non-believers in a national project of reconstruction.
Their optimism was given added impetus by the bishops’ 17 November 1979 pastoral letter. In it, the bishops recognized the historic struggle of the people against the dictatorship and the role of the FSLN within that struggle and during the period of reconstruction. They also reaffirmed the Church’s preferential option for the poor and its commitment to the revolution. While the pastoral did not constitute a blanket endorsement of the new government — it did, in fact, contain a number of conditions — it was clearly favourable towards the revolutionary process.
But the post-revolutionary landscape was far from the paradise of naive churchmen:
Nicaraguan Revolution - Wikipedia
Immediately following the fall of the Somoza regime, Nicaragua was largely in ruins. The country had suffered both war and, earlier, natural disaster in the devastating 1972 Nicaragua earthquake. In 1979, approximately 600,000 Nicaraguans were homeless and 150,000 were either refugees or in exile,[30] out of a total population of just 2.8 million.[31]
In response to these issues, a state of emergency was declared. President Carter sent US$99 million in aid. Land and businesses of the Somoza regime were expropriated, the old courts were abolished, and workers were organized into Civil Defense Committees. The new regime also declared that "elections are unnecessary", which led to criticism from the Catholic Church, among others.[9]