Before you trash Reed, maybe you could produce someone with better anthropology and archeology in Galilee ???
First off, just to clarify, I have no intention of trashing Reed. I would, however, like to suggest that there are specialists whose background better equips them to deal with the issues of Hellenism (and its influence on Galilee during Jesus' day) as well as Q. I already referred to the survey of evidence by Mark Chancey, whose Ph.D. work was in Christian origins and whose specialty is the relationship between Greco-Roman culture and Galilee. The monograph from 2005 I cited in my last post is the later of two on the subject, but despite the incorporation of more recent finds and studies, reveals much the same as did his earlier monograph
The Myth of a Gentile Galilee (2002).
As for Q, we have
Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series vol. 118 by Maurice Casey:
An Aramaic Approach to Q: Sources for the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. Personally, I think Casey's extensive knowledge of Aramaic has biased him here, and that he turns what are no doubt underlying influences of Aramaic in the gospel texts into complete reconstructions.
That said, he isn't alone, as Mack and Reed (among others) do the same in a different way. The problem with a hypothetical document is that as it is already only hypothetical (even though there is very good evidence for it), any hypotheses on its nature are necessarily hypotheses built upon hypotheses. As mush as I disagree with N. T. Wright in general (mainly because his approach to history is dated, but also because his 3rd volume leaves history behind altogether), I very much agree with his statement about Q and how it is approached by those like Reed, Mack, Crossan, and others (each to a varying degree): "To treat Q as a document at all is controversial. To treat it as a
gospel (Crossan insists emphatically on this) is more so; to postulate two or three stages in its development is to build castles in the air; to insist that the document was 'composed by the fifties, and possibly at Tiberias in Galilee' [here Wright is quoting Crossan], is to let imagination run riot." (p. 48 of
Jesus and the Victory of God; vol. 2 of
Christian Origins and the Question of God).
Wright may be a bit unfair here, but there is in general too much faith in what can be gleaned not only about the nature of this hypothetical "document" (there is the possibility that it was never written), but about the communities behind the various imagined layers. Meier's approach is far more balanced that Wright, although the second volume of
A Marginal Jew reflects an approach to the gospels that belongs to an earlier time in the 20th century and is no longer adequate. However, all the volumes are still incredibly valuable mainly because of the ingenius way Meier has structured them such that the general reader will have no great difficulty because the technical details of interest to specialists are relegated to chapter endnotes and to excurses. In his excurses on Q, Meier has a particularly valuable gem: "I cannot help thinking that biblical scholarship would be treatly advanced if every morning all exegetes would repeat as a mantra: "Q is a hypothetical document whose exact extension, wording, originating community, strata, and stages of redaction cannot be known." This daily devotion might save us flights of fancy that are destined, in my view, to end in skepticism." (p. 178 of vol. 2 of
A Marginal Jew).
With all that in mind, Casey's treatment of Q is relatively free of wild flights of imagination. This is less true of his
Aramaic Sources of Mark's Gospel (
Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series vol. 102). However, the combination of competence in koine Greek as well as Aramaic does make him ideally suited to at the very least recognize when some line or phrase within the Greek gospel texts are influenced by Aramaic. Combined with the thorough treatment of evidence for Hellenistic influence in Galilee by (among others Chancey), we aren't left with much to support a wandering, illiterate cynic-like Jewish peasant.
Nor can the findings of Harris (which Crossan in particular relies on) be extended to Galilee. In his first volume of
A Marginal Jew, Meier's analysis of Jesus' education is in general nothing special, but he does concisely yet thoroughly illustrate the problems for the "Jesus was illiterate" side: "For all the differences among various groups of Jews, the narratives, the laws, and the prophecies of their sacred texts gave them a corporate memory and a common ethos. The very identity and continued existence of the people of Israel were tied to a corpus of written and regularly read works in a way that simply was not true of other peoples in the Mediterranean world of the 1st century...To be able to read and explain Scriptures was a revered goal for religiously minded Jews. Hence literacy held a special importance for the Jewish community" (p. 274-5).
As far as anthropology is concerned, the evidence in general supports a wider literacy than Harris (who reacted against what he felt were overly optimistic numbers for the Roman empire in general) and those who cite his work propose. The evidence from literary scraps, epigraphy, and even magical devices point to a wider community of people with a basic literacy than Harris suggests. When Daniel Odgen wrote his contribution to the
Witchcraft and Magic in Europe (vol 2: Greece & Rome) in 1999, we already had a collection of around 1,600 "curse tablets" written mainly in Greek. Although some are long before Jesus, the proliferation occured during the Imperial age and the Hellenism which accompanied it. Odgsen notes that although the distribution during the Imperial age became geographically quite dispersed, the "overall uniformity of their texts is striking". By the second century CE, we even have an influence from a mixture of Jewish and Egyptian culture. Yet these tablets were not the work of the literary elite, but rather were quite thoroughly peblian.
The same is true of other media, from Ostraca to tavern walls. In
Everyday Writing in the Graeco-Roman East, Bagnall provides a thorough picture of a far wider literacy than supposed by Harris, as well as the reason for it: survival of any text was the exception, but the fact that we have such a vast wealth of literary scraps from Hellenistic Egypt suggests that, had other regions shared Egypts climate and geological properties, we'd find similar surviving texts across the entire Roman empire. In the course of making this argument (to which the book is devoted), Bagnall mentions the over "seven hundred ostraca written in Aramaic, in Jewish block Hebrew, and in other Semitic scripts, dating to the period of the Jewish War of 6670, were found at Masada. These were mostly inscribed with letters or names and interpreted as having served as tokens in a food-rationing system, but their ranks also include letters, accounts, writing exercises, and other types of texts. Greek ostraca were also found in small numbers at Masada. The editors argue that these too were written by Jews rather than being the product of the besieging Roman army" (p. 124).
That Jesus was literate is still just guesswork. However, that it is improbable
a priori is, I think, no longer tenable.