On a different debate thread, I happened to read a poster arguing: "Christianity was insignificant until backed by Constantine".
This seems to be an exceedingly common assumption made by many people, one that has entered 'popular wisdom' - but it's also fundamentally wrong. I very much disagree with this contention that Christianity was 'insignificant' as a social phenomenon in the Roman Empire until the Constantinian shift.
Early Christianity, in the first three centuries, was largely an urban religion - successfully spreading to and diffused throughout cities, such as the capital Rome itself; Corinth; Galatia; Alexandria; Carthage; Phrygia and so on. The lion's share of Christian growth also occurred in the eastern part of the Empire. In his Dialogue with Trypho, the patristic author Justin Martyr (c. 100 – c. 165) felt confident enough to boast:
Later in the third century, Tertullian (155-240 CE) offered a similar assessment of the Christian presence in the empire, inveighing: “we have filled every place among you—cities (urbes), islands (insulas), fortresses (castella), towns (municipia), market-places (conciliabula), the very camp (castra ipsa), tribes (tribus), companies (decurias), palace (palatium), senate (senatum), forum (forum)—we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods."
At the beginning of the same text, Tertullian noted: “The outcry is that the State is infested with Christians—that they are in the fields (agris), in the citadels (castellis), in the islands (insulis).”
Robert Browning says that Christianity in the first three centuries was “essentially an urban religion, spreading from city to city and leaping over the intervening countryside.” Wayne Meeks and Robert Wilken concur, stating emphatically that early Christianity was a “mostly urban” movement, “streetwise and cosmopolitan.” Paul McKechnie wrote that Christians made up a “good-sized minority".
In the mid-90s of the first century, St. Clement of Rome spoke of the apostles preaching “throughout the countryside (χώρας) and in the cities (πόλεις)". Fifteen years later, the Bithynian Roman governor Pliny, informed the emperor Trajan that Christianity had spread not only to cities (civitates), but also into villages (vicos) and country districts (agros):
Pliny the Younger on Christians - Wikipedia
Pliny and Trajan on the Christians
If Christianity were 'insignificant' pre-Constantinian patronage from 313 CE onwards with the Edict of Toleration, it would not have attracted such attention and concern from imperial authorities two hundred years earlier in 112 CE, now would it?
According to historical sociologists, there were roughly 6 million Christians in the Empire of some 60 million subjects in the year 300 C.E., or about 10% of the total population of the Roman state. That's hardly negligible.
Moreover, by the second century convert Christians or Christian 'sympathisers' had already wormed their way into the ruling hierarchy.
A paradigmatic example is the Emperor Commodus's concubine, Marcia:
Marcia (mistress of Commodus) - Wikipedia
She saved many Christian lives and her valiant efforts were commended by St. Hippolytus and other Fathers. The second century CE church father St. Hippolytus, in In Cant. 2.18 (the earliest extant patristic commentary on the Song of Songs) congratulates Tamar from the Book of Genesis, who “desired greatly to take hold of [the anointing], and made herself look like a prostitute toward Judah to obtain it” and then compares her with Marcia from his lifetime.
A scholar I have here writes about St. Hippolytus's support for Tamar and Marcia: "The commendation of Tamar points to what must have been the situation of many women in early Christianity forced to endure ambiguous moral situations, who nevertheless were able to take advantage of connections with powerful men. The author of Haer., for example, honorably mentions Marcia, the concubine of Commodus, who was well-placed to obtain the release of Christians deported to the mines in Sardinia (9.12.10)..."
Marcia's patron was the eunuch who controlled the imperial harem and also himself a Christian presbyter:
I invite anyone with an interest to read this recent academic study:
By Reverence, Not Fear: Prestige, Religion, and Autonomic Regulation in the Evolution of Cooperation
This seems to be an exceedingly common assumption made by many people, one that has entered 'popular wisdom' - but it's also fundamentally wrong. I very much disagree with this contention that Christianity was 'insignificant' as a social phenomenon in the Roman Empire until the Constantinian shift.
Early Christianity, in the first three centuries, was largely an urban religion - successfully spreading to and diffused throughout cities, such as the capital Rome itself; Corinth; Galatia; Alexandria; Carthage; Phrygia and so on. The lion's share of Christian growth also occurred in the eastern part of the Empire. In his Dialogue with Trypho, the patristic author Justin Martyr (c. 100 – c. 165) felt confident enough to boast:
there is not a single race of human beings, barbarians, Greeks, or whatever name you please to call them, nomads (ἁμαξοβίων) or vagrants (ἀοίκων καλουμένων) or herdsmen living in tents (ἐν σκηναῖς κτηνοτρόφων εὐχαὶ) where prayers in the name of Jesus are not offered up
Later in the third century, Tertullian (155-240 CE) offered a similar assessment of the Christian presence in the empire, inveighing: “we have filled every place among you—cities (urbes), islands (insulas), fortresses (castella), towns (municipia), market-places (conciliabula), the very camp (castra ipsa), tribes (tribus), companies (decurias), palace (palatium), senate (senatum), forum (forum)—we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods."
At the beginning of the same text, Tertullian noted: “The outcry is that the State is infested with Christians—that they are in the fields (agris), in the citadels (castellis), in the islands (insulis).”
Robert Browning says that Christianity in the first three centuries was “essentially an urban religion, spreading from city to city and leaping over the intervening countryside.” Wayne Meeks and Robert Wilken concur, stating emphatically that early Christianity was a “mostly urban” movement, “streetwise and cosmopolitan.” Paul McKechnie wrote that Christians made up a “good-sized minority".
In the mid-90s of the first century, St. Clement of Rome spoke of the apostles preaching “throughout the countryside (χώρας) and in the cities (πόλεις)". Fifteen years later, the Bithynian Roman governor Pliny, informed the emperor Trajan that Christianity had spread not only to cities (civitates), but also into villages (vicos) and country districts (agros):
Pliny the Younger on Christians - Wikipedia
Pliny the Younger, the Roman governor of Bithynia and Pontus (now in modern Turkey) wrote a letter to Emperor Trajan around AD 112 and asked for counsel on dealing with the early Christian community. The letter (Epistulae X.96) details an account of how Pliny conducted trials of suspected Christians who appeared before him as a result of anonymous accusations and asks for the Emperor's guidance on how they should be treated.[1][2]
The letter supports the existence of the early Christian Church and its rapid growth and speaks to its belief system. It also provides valuable evidence as to the attitudes of the Roman authorities with regard to early Christianity.[24]
The letter supports the existence of the early Christian Church and its rapid growth and speaks to its belief system. It also provides valuable evidence as to the attitudes of the Roman authorities with regard to early Christianity.[24]
Pliny and Trajan on the Christians
It is my practice, my lord, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt. For who can better give guidance to my hesitation or inform my ignorance? I have never participated in trials of Christians...
They asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a trust when called upon to do so....
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you. For the matter seemed to me to warrant consulting you, especially because of the number involved. For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms. But it seems possible to check and cure it.
They asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a trust when called upon to do so....
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you. For the matter seemed to me to warrant consulting you, especially because of the number involved. For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms. But it seems possible to check and cure it.
If Christianity were 'insignificant' pre-Constantinian patronage from 313 CE onwards with the Edict of Toleration, it would not have attracted such attention and concern from imperial authorities two hundred years earlier in 112 CE, now would it?
According to historical sociologists, there were roughly 6 million Christians in the Empire of some 60 million subjects in the year 300 C.E., or about 10% of the total population of the Roman state. That's hardly negligible.
Moreover, by the second century convert Christians or Christian 'sympathisers' had already wormed their way into the ruling hierarchy.
A paradigmatic example is the Emperor Commodus's concubine, Marcia:
Marcia (mistress of Commodus) - Wikipedia
Marcia Aurelia Ceionia Demetrias (died 193) was the mistress and one of the assassins of Roman Emperor Commodus from 182–193. Marcia was the daughter of Marcia Aurelia Sabiniana, a freedwoman of the co-emperor Lucius Verus.[1][2]
Marcia had Christian sympathies and persuaded Commodus to adopt a policy in favor of Christians, and kept close relations with Victor, Bishop of Rome.[2] After Pope Victor I gave her a list she had asked for including all of the Christians sentenced to mine works in Sardinia, she convinced Commodus to allow them to return to Rome.[2][4] Despite the fact that Marcia was not Commodus' legal wife, he treated her like one and was thus greatly influenced by her. The inscription found in Anagnia testifies that the local city council decided to build a monument, commemorating particularly the restoration of baths on her account.[2]
Marcia had Christian sympathies and persuaded Commodus to adopt a policy in favor of Christians, and kept close relations with Victor, Bishop of Rome.[2] After Pope Victor I gave her a list she had asked for including all of the Christians sentenced to mine works in Sardinia, she convinced Commodus to allow them to return to Rome.[2][4] Despite the fact that Marcia was not Commodus' legal wife, he treated her like one and was thus greatly influenced by her. The inscription found in Anagnia testifies that the local city council decided to build a monument, commemorating particularly the restoration of baths on her account.[2]
She saved many Christian lives and her valiant efforts were commended by St. Hippolytus and other Fathers. The second century CE church father St. Hippolytus, in In Cant. 2.18 (the earliest extant patristic commentary on the Song of Songs) congratulates Tamar from the Book of Genesis, who “desired greatly to take hold of [the anointing], and made herself look like a prostitute toward Judah to obtain it” and then compares her with Marcia from his lifetime.
A scholar I have here writes about St. Hippolytus's support for Tamar and Marcia: "The commendation of Tamar points to what must have been the situation of many women in early Christianity forced to endure ambiguous moral situations, who nevertheless were able to take advantage of connections with powerful men. The author of Haer., for example, honorably mentions Marcia, the concubine of Commodus, who was well-placed to obtain the release of Christians deported to the mines in Sardinia (9.12.10)..."
"In the late 2nd century CE, Marcia, a “god-loving θεοφíλa woman” and the principal concubine of the Roman Emperor Commodus, interceded with her lover to free a number of Christian prisoners who had been sentenced to slave labor in the mines of Sardinia...[This] reveals its own story about the nature of early church politics, the complex intrigues of an Emperor’s court at the end of the high empire, and the ability of a lowly concubine to exert political influence and change the course of Western history"
Marcia's patron was the eunuch who controlled the imperial harem and also himself a Christian presbyter:
"Hippolytus also claims that the Christian eunuch Hyacinthus was Marcia’s foster-father... It is unclear whether Hyacinthus served as a spiritual father to Marcia or actually raised her."
"For Christians (...) life under Commodus was a good deal easier (...) to the point where a eunuch named Hyacinthus became the first (and almost certainly the last) man in history to combine the duties of controller of a 300-strong harem and a presbyter of the Christian Church."
"For Christians (...) life under Commodus was a good deal easier (...) to the point where a eunuch named Hyacinthus became the first (and almost certainly the last) man in history to combine the duties of controller of a 300-strong harem and a presbyter of the Christian Church."
I invite anyone with an interest to read this recent academic study:
By Reverence, Not Fear: Prestige, Religion, and Autonomic Regulation in the Evolution of Cooperation
A closer look at the rapid rise of Christianity in its first five centuries reveals how Jesus himself as well as the disciples who went on to preach his gospel (i.e., Paul) were successful not only in accumulating followers on his behalf and advocating for prosociality, but also in promoting prosocial behaviors amongst believers, which in turn further drove the growth of the fledgling religion.
In a 260-year period, Christianity rapidly expanded from an obscure Messianic cult movement in the far edge of the Eastern Roman empire to an estimated size of 5–7.5 million members (Stark, 1996). Sociologist Rodney Stark attributes the success of Christianity to several key factors, including the highly prosocial response of Christians to two severe plagues that ravaged the empire between the 1st–5th centuries AD.
The Antonine Plague swept through Roman Empire from 165 to 180, resulting in the loss of an estimated quarter to a third of the entire empire’s population during the first plague (Boak, 1947; Russell, 1958; Gilliam, 1961; McNeill, 1976). By the end of the second plague, the Plague of Cyprian from 251 to 266, classical society was severely “disrupted and demoralized” (Stark, 1996, p. 74). During this time, Pagan leaders and government officials offered no assistance or care for the sick, while Christianity – still a minor but increasingly growing movement – did.
There are also pagan accounts of how the responses of the two groups differed. The Christian movement continued to grow after the plagues and by 313 it was enough of a force that the emperor Constantine finally made it a legal religion in the empire with his Edict of Milan.
In a 260-year period, Christianity rapidly expanded from an obscure Messianic cult movement in the far edge of the Eastern Roman empire to an estimated size of 5–7.5 million members (Stark, 1996). Sociologist Rodney Stark attributes the success of Christianity to several key factors, including the highly prosocial response of Christians to two severe plagues that ravaged the empire between the 1st–5th centuries AD.
The Antonine Plague swept through Roman Empire from 165 to 180, resulting in the loss of an estimated quarter to a third of the entire empire’s population during the first plague (Boak, 1947; Russell, 1958; Gilliam, 1961; McNeill, 1976). By the end of the second plague, the Plague of Cyprian from 251 to 266, classical society was severely “disrupted and demoralized” (Stark, 1996, p. 74). During this time, Pagan leaders and government officials offered no assistance or care for the sick, while Christianity – still a minor but increasingly growing movement – did.
There are also pagan accounts of how the responses of the two groups differed. The Christian movement continued to grow after the plagues and by 313 it was enough of a force that the emperor Constantine finally made it a legal religion in the empire with his Edict of Milan.
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