The class character of a particular system of morality does not exclude the existence of elements of universal morality. It is impossible to regard class morality as a kind of closed sphere, independent of other moral systems. On the contrary, class and universal morals are in close dialectical connection, and the more progressive the class, the broader it represents the interests of the development of the whole society, the more in its morality is represented the universal elements. And vice versa: the more the interests of the class contradict the interests of the development of the whole society, the less common human elements this class morality contains.
Replacement of some moral systems by others does not happen automatically. The very crisis of the mode of production, incapable of meeting the needs of society any more, brings to life the birth of a new opposition morality of the oppressed classes, aimed at the destruction of outdated relations and the formation of new relations. Within the framework of the class struggle, a new morality becomes an instrument for transforming the world, an ideological basis for the formation of a new mode of production.
Thus, the feudal morality, which recognized human equality and respect for work, was much more progressive than the morality of the slave-owning system that had fallen into disrepair, despised labor and considered it to be exclusively "non-human" workers. Bourgeois morality, which exploded the immobile system of hierarchical subordination and liberated private initiative from estate-corporate chains, was much more progressive than the exhausted feudal morality that had become a brake on the development of human society. Today, when the capitalist production that generated bourgeois morality no longer corresponds to the needs of social development, a new, more progressive morality-the revolutionary morality of the proletariat-is born in the depths of production.
Proletarian morality, formed in the course of the practical activity of the working class and strengthened in the framework of its class struggle, contains much more elements of universal morality than any other moral concept of the past. The reactionaries, the ideologists of the decaying capitalist system, understand this and try with all their might to delay their death by fighting this new morality.
For example, as stated at the beginning, they declare that the "Moral Code of the Constructor of Communism", which outlines the basic moral and ethical principles of the proletariat, is written off from the Bible, for the Communists are not capable of giving society any new moral guidelines other than those already contained in religious writings. Therefore, the communist idea for society is useless. It brings only destruction and chaos, and then returns to what the society tried to lead away - to religious "universal" norms. Thus, the conclusion about the uselessness of the communist revolution arises by itself.
It is easy to see that by selecting the moral guidelines of the human plan formulated by mankind during the past history (which are actually present in almost all religions), the reactionaries fail to notice other universal principles that first manifest themselves precisely in the revolutionary morale of the proletariat. Principles that contradict the class morality of the oppressors, designed to keep the masses in submission and maintain the system of exploitation. Principles that do not have any analogies in religious writings, because these principles undermine the very system of exploitation, which is the guarantee of the existence of any religion.
So, instead of religious fatalism and passive adaptation to an unjust world, proletarian morality preaches an active transformation of reality based on the study of the laws of development. Instead of trusting in the wisdom of the deity, who at the right time will destroy evil, proletarian morality demands irreconcilability to injustice and all sorts of social ailments. Instead of self-abasement of man, proletarian morality preaches faith in one's own strength and sense of personal dignity of the worker. Instead of the militant individualism of absolutely any religion, which provides for exclusively personal salvation, proletarian morality is celebrated by collectivism as a guarantee of the liberation and development of society and, ultimately, of each individual. Instead of a pseudo-human, thoroughly false "universal love," proletarian morality requires hatred for the conscious and active enemies of society.
Thus, there is no question of any communist "plagiarism" of moral religious principles. On the contrary, revolutionary proletarian morality broadens the universal moments, leaving behind all sorts of religious nonsense of the past centuries. This is due to the fact that the proletariat, unlike the exploiting classes of the past, does not need any hypocrisy, no self-deception, or a mystical justification for its struggle. The proletariat does not pretend to become a new exploiting class, which fools the masses with mystical nonsense. The proletariat is honest with itself and with society, it directly declares the need for the liberation of mankind, on the need to destroy the division of society into classes as such (including the elimination of the class of proletarians themselves), and for this practical task the working class requires a strictly scientific approach, requires the liberation of morality from illusions, prejudices and prejudices of the past that hinder social development, real, and not imaginary, values of life activity.
Of course, proletarian morality is not yet "universal", for in class society, as has already been said, there can be no question of any single universal moral morality . But at the same time, proletarian morality precedes the formation of truly universal morality, since it is the proletariat that acts as the last class in history, the very logic of development destined to destroy classes.
